Another tried-and-true technique follows the script used in Tibet: Beijing has blamed exiled businesswoman Rebiya Kadeer for the violence. Kadeer, who heads a Washington-based confederation of exile organizations scattered through the U.S., Germany, Britain, and Australia, denies involvement. The provincial government has said “violence … was instigated and directed from abroad, and carried out by outlaws in the country.” Similar florid language was applied to the Dalai Lama after the Lhasa riots; he was described as a “jackal in monk’s robes.” The official media “is very unified,” says Xiao. “They all point to Rebiya Kadeer, they all have the same narrative, there’s no independent reporting—it’s a very highly controlled version of the story.”
A final piece of spin targets the Uighur population directly and hints that the CCP feels it needs to address Uighur grievances. The Urumqi riot began when Uighur factory workers thousands of miles away in Guangdong province were falsely accused of raping Han women by a disgruntled former workmate. A fight broke out, killing two Uighurs and injuring more than 100. Since Urumqi’s protest erupted, the government’s Uighur-language TV channel has carried a statement from Xinjiang provincial government chairman Nur Bekri promising “strenuous efforts” to investigate the killings in Guangdong. On Tuesday, Xinhua also reported 13 arrests over the false allegations. This attempt at redress segments the message. Awareness of local grievances is aired on regional TV in the Uighur language, while the wider message of Uighur thuggery plays to a receptive national audience. Prejudice against Uighurs often portrays them as violent criminals. “There’s this stereotype of Uighurs, that they’re thieves or … involved in the drug trade,” says Prof. Barry Sautman, a specialist on China’s ethnic policies at Hong Kong’s Science and Technology University.
CDT EBOOKS
Subscribe to CDT
SUPPORT CDT
Giving Assistant
Anti-censorship Tools
Click on the image to download Firefly for circumvention
