The argument that there is an unsustainable reliance on exports — and investment — to generate growth seems widely accepted, even if it is less clear how a ‘rebalancing’ can be achieved. Still, the possibility that an identifiable Chinese model exists is not just the source of considerable interest, but also a degree of national pride.

But rather than highlighting a contradiction in thinking, these apparently divergent responses point to what most observers suggest is a key component of the model; it is flexible, pragmatic and responsive, as it is built around experimentation and doing what works, rather than basing itself on rigid ideological and/or policy prescriptions. This not only means doing different things as conditions change at home and abroad, but also having different models for different parts of the country. While it might not be possible for other developing countries to do what China has done, the essence of this understanding is that they should not search for blueprints, but should instead do whatever works for them.

In this respect, the Chinese model is less important for what it is as what it is not. It is not big-bang reform and shock therapy; it is not a process where economic liberalisation necessarily leads to democratisation; it is not jettisoning state control over key sectors or full (neo)liberalisation (particularly in financial sectors); it is not the Western way of doing things; and it is not following a model or a prescription, or being told what to do by others. And unlike other communist-party states, all this has taken place under regime continuity. While the successes of China’s economic experience are clearly important in promoting this idea, so too are the failings of the neoliberal ‘other’ against which China is being compared.

See also an East Asia Forum piece from August 2011, in which Suisheng Zhao sheds light on the fault lines present in the existing so-called “China model” that have led to a number of China’s social and political ills.

© Scott Greene for China Digital Times (CDT), 2012. | Permalink | One comment | Add to del.icio.us
Post tags: China model, democratization, development, economic growth, ideology, neoliberalism
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Political Confucianism provides the answer to various political problems in China. It can act as the state religion, modify and beautify Marxism, invoke the hierarchical politics of the Kingly Way to whitewash authoritarianism, and act as a defense to constitutional democracy, freedom and equality (‘Under Political Confucianism, China’s future development is the Kingly Way and not democracy, and the Kingly Way means the “politics of sages”’ – Jiang Qing), promote ethics and social responsibility to save China from a moral crisis, defend local culture against Westernization, alleviate the world’s fear of a rising Communist China, and act as a culture for global penetration and expansion.

Globally China is holding the flag of Confucianism. 320 Confucius Institutes are opened in over 90 countries, but never a Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Deng school! The act of ‘Confucius stationing in Tiananmen’ will further reassure the US – today China officially switches from Marxism-Leninism to Confucianism. At most, China is a ‘Confucius socialist society’. But on the other hand, it represents a rejection of ‘wholesale Westernization’. Marxism-Leninism is what can be abandoned, but not Confucius traditions such as ‘all land under heaven belongs to the emperor’, ‘learning advanced technology from barbarians to fight agasint them’, and ‘Chinese learning for the substantial, western learning for the useful’.

© Samuel Wade for China Digital Times (CDT), 2011. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
Post tags: chinese philosophy, Confucianism, democratization, foreign policy, Tiananmen Square
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Veteran journalist Chang Ping commented on how the Chinese public eventually got officials to admit their failures in the tiger incident in an article published on Reuters’ Chinese web site:

…Although many officials tried to defend the photos, mainstream public opinion concluded early on that they had been fabricated. The public also insisted that the government investigate the incident and tell the truth. So (when the government finally announced it found the photos to have been forged and punished the 13 officials for negligence), it should be considered a victory for public opinion.

Since it was a hard-won victory, I think it is important to analyze how it happened. In other words, how did public opinion effectively affect the decision-making of the government and successfully push for a positive result?

There are at least three factors that deserve our attention:

First, when the photos first came under suspicion of being faked, the public didn’t just criticize Mr. Zhou Zhenglong (the farmer who claimed to have taken the photos) , but went further to question the credibility of local authorities who appeared to have colluded with him…It was much more valuable to question government officials than to denounce an individual, because it pointed out problems within a powerful organization. If Mr. Zhou had just faked the photos to entertain himself, or if government officials had not been willingly cheated by the fabrication, the public didn’t need to make a big issue of it …

Second, the public did not let itself get held hostage by some abstract concept. They did not swing a moral stick around and call Mr. Zhou nasty names. Instead, they carefully examined the photos, analyzed evidence, and employed various empirical tools before reaching a conclusion.

Most importantly, public opinion in this case was not completely controlled or manipulated by government power. As in all other incidents, opinions expressed by members of the public were not all rational and reasonable. A number of people resorted to verbal abuse to express their opinions. This is normal. It should not be feared. What is truly worrying is when those in power control and manipulate public opinion, or restrict the free discussion of public affairs.

Local authorities tried to control public opinion in this incident. For instance, local media in Shaanxi(where the fabrication took place) did not fully cover the incident. Not a single People’s Representative mentioned the issue at the National People’s Congress, either. We could vaguely see the hidden hand of power behind the silenced discussions. But overall, the space for the public to express their opinions was not severely restricted during this incident. I believe that reasonable voices would eventually be heard and guide the way when there is no spectre of power prohibiting free discussion.

© Linjun Fan for China Digital Times (CDT), 2008. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
Post tags: CDT translation, democratization, public opinion, South China tiger
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The online chat room of People.com.cn bustled with excitement when the host unexpectedly announced in a message titled ” President Hu Jintao will come to talk to us soon”.

“Are you kidding us?” asked a person named Old Hawk.

The host didn’t reply, but led the 66-year-old Hu to sit in front of a computer screen where he could see messages popping up into the online chat room. Judging from a video clip recorded at that time, it seemed that Hu was on an official visit to the newsroom of People’s Daily Friday morning, accompanied by a squad of the country’s top officials.

Hu, in a white shirt without a tie, stared at the screen for a few seconds. He seemed to be reading the posted messages. But he didn’t approach the keyboard to respond. Instead, the forum host selected a few messages and read to him.

There was a message titled “Boss Hu, do you use the Internet often?”

The host read the question to Hu, but replaced “Boss Hu” with “General Secretary Hu.”

Hu paused for a while at the question, and then talked to a microphone connected with the computer.

“Although I am very busy and I do not have the time to use the Internet everyday, I try to spare some time to do it. I want to say that this online forum of People.com.cn is one of the Web sites I visit often.”

Hundreds of online messages were soon sent to Hu by ordinary Chinese citizens, who rarely have a chance to directly communicate with their top government leaders.

Some simply remarked, “It is a good day today!” “Brother Hu, you are great!”

Some inquired about Hu’s life, “What do you usually read online?”; “Have you ever posted articles on Internet forums? Which username do you use?”; “Which sports do you like?”

Some complained, “Old Hu, lots of government money has been wasted by officials on feasts. Why don’t you stop it?” “Why haven’t our salaries increased while the prices of everything else are skyrocketing?”; “The stock market and housing market are collapsing. It is hard to find a job…”

Some asked about policy and political issues, including some tricky ones: “What do you think of Taiwan’s democratization?” ; “How would you deal with wrong but well-intentioned opinions on the Internet?”

The host just picked two other questions to read to Hu:

“General Secretary, another Internet user named Happy Three, asked you what you usually read on the Internet,” the host said.

“When I use the Internet, I like reading domestic and international news stories. Secondly, I want also to know from the Internet what people care about and what their views are. Thirdly, I hope to know what kind of ideas and suggestions Internet users have for the work of the Party and the Government,” Hu answered amiably.

“Little Fire Dragon asked whether you could see the ideas and suggestions posted on the chatroom,” the host said.

“We care a lot about Internet users’ ideas and advice. We put the interest of our citizens first and rule the country for their interest. So we have to listen to the people’s opinions when we do our work or make decisions. The Internet is an important channel for us to understand and collect public opinions,” Hu answered.

The host then said that the talk had to end because Hu needed to to proceed to other events.

Hu made his final remarks to the people in the Internet chat room, promising to read their messages carefully in the future.

“Because of time limits, I can not talk more to you today. But I will read and study carefully the messages you have just sent to me. Also, I want to take this opportunity to wish you all good health, successful jobs, and happy families. Thanks!”

Watch the video below for the “chat” online:

The English transcript via People’s Daily is here. Read also “‘Authoritarian Deliberation’ on the Chinese Internet” by Rebecca MacKinnon.

© Linjun Fan for China Digital Times (CDT), 2008. | Permalink | No comment | Add to del.icio.us
Post tags: chat rooms, democratization, Hu Jintao, Internet forum, people's daily
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