{"id":131581,"date":"2012-02-14T00:29:35","date_gmt":"2012-02-14T07:29:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/chinadigitaltimes.net\/?p=131581"},"modified":"2012-02-14T15:49:53","modified_gmt":"2012-02-14T22:49:53","slug":"who-is-xi-jinping","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chinadigitaltimes.net\/2012\/02\/who-is-xi-jinping\/","title":{"rendered":"Who Is Xi Jinping? (Updated)"},"content":{"rendered":"
Vice President Xi Jinping’s highly-anticipated trip to Washington<\/a> this week has been in the planning stages for three years, the Los Angeles Times reports<\/strong><\/a>:<\/p>\n Xi’s five-day visit, which begins Tuesday when he meets President Obama, is an essential step in the world’s most important power relationship. Xi needs to show officials back home that the Americans will treat him with respect; the White House wants to gauge Xi’s style before it has to deal with him as the Chinese leader.<\/p>\n Xi, 58, who has been China’s vice president since 2008, is expected to replace Hu Jintao as Communist Party leader this year, and next year as president, a post he would be expected to hold for a decade.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n With the U.S., and the world, about to catch its first high-profile glimpse of China’s next leader, fascination with the man, about which little is known, is at an all-time high. An abundance of newspaper profiles have compiled whatever information reporters can cull on his background, his political views, and his suitability for high office. A Guardian article looks at his privileged and painful childhood <\/strong><\/a>as the son of a Communist revolutionary who was later persecuted by Mao Zedong, and how that may impact his policy-making:<\/p>\n \nBut when he was only nine his father fell from grace with Mao Zedong. Six years later, as the cultural revolution wreaked havoc, young Xi was dispatched to the dusty, impoverished north-western province of Shaanxi to “learn from the masses”.<\/p>\n He spent seven years living in a cave home in Liangjiahe village. “I ate a lot more bitterness than most people,” he once told a Chinese magazine. He has described struggling with the fleas, the hard physical labour and the sheer loneliness.<\/p>\n All this, of course, fits into classic Communist party narratives of learning to serve the people. But political commentator Li Datong suggests this “double background” has proved genuinely formative for princelings such as Xi and might even lead them to bolder policy making.<\/p>\n “One aspect is their family background as children of the country’s founders and the other is their experience of being sent to the countryside, which made them understand China’s real situation better. It gives this generation a strong tradition of idealism and the courage to do something big,” he said.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n A Washington Post profile delves deeper into Xi’s relationship with his father<\/strong><\/a>:<\/p>\n \nFor China\u2019s next leader, such a father is a mixed blessing. It connects him with the party\u2019s heroic early years. But it also brings risks at a time of deep public resentment toward so-called \u201cprincelings.\u201d Membership in this revolutionary aristocracy \u201cis a serious liability\u201d in terms of public image, said Cheng Li, an expert on Chinese politics at the Brookings Institution in Washington. Xi\u2019s daughter, like the offspring of many senior Communist officials, studies in the United States, at Harvard.<\/p>\n Xi nonetheless has a reputation for probity, and his close relatives are not known to be multimillionaires. He was raised, according to biographer Jia, on frugal values: The elder Xi, after taking a bath, made his son bathe in the same water. In an interview with Chinese television, Xi Jinping recalled having to wear flowery hand-me-down clothes from his sisters. As a teenager, after his father\u2019s fall, he was banished to a poor village in Shaanxi.<\/p>\n He \u201ctakes after his father\u2019s excellent qualities,\u201d the official biographer said.<\/p>\n A big question, though, is whether those include his father\u2019s political outlook, or whether his father\u2019s troubles left Xi convinced that unwavering toughness and extreme caution offer the best hope for survival. Although respected by crusty conservatives and neo-Maoist firebrands, Xi senior is particularly popular with many liberals, who remember him as unusually open-minded and tolerant \u2014 and hope that his son, under a carapace of political rectitude, is perhaps similar.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n On Sunday, the Washington Post published a written interview with Xi<\/a>, for which the Chinese government ignored many of the questions provided by the paper and instead wrote their own questions and answers. Meanwhile, in the New York Times, China expert David Shambaugh poses ten hypothetical questions (without answers) for Xi<\/a>. See also a Foreign Policy profile: “The Insider<\/a>.” In the New York Times, writer and publisher Ho Pin writes an op-ed calling into question Xi’s ability to effect change<\/strong> <\/a>within the constraints of the system:<\/p>\n \nEconomic growth has offered Mr. Hu a temporary reprieve; Mr. Xi will not be so lucky. The economy is showing signs of stalling, the real estate bubble could burst and the financial system is being undermined by unregulated and corrupt lending. Meanwhile, protests against corruption and social injustice are intensifying as the country\u2019s environmental resources are depleted without any consideration of future generations.<\/p>\n Inaction isn\u2019t an option for Mr. Xi. He will have to combat corruption, improve protections for peasants and migrant workers and rejuvenate private enterprise. Given that his father was once persecuted for supporting a banned book, Mr. Xi should grasp the importance of free speech, and one hopes he will work to regain the trust of intellectuals. But without free elections, a free press and independent judges, the government can\u2019t fulfill its promise to stamp out corruption and build a fair and just society.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Read more about Xi Jinping<\/a>, about the 5th generation of CCP leaders <\/a>that he belongs to, and about “princelings”<\/a> via CDT.<\/p>\n