iron law of oligarchy<\/a>. Michels studied the German Social Democratic Party, the SPD, and pointed out that bureaucratization, and a certain institutional conservatism, are all but inevitable as political movements grow and become integrated more formally into administrative systems. Maurice Meisner uses the same concept to explain how the Chinese Communist Party lost its early revolutionary dynamism.<\/p>\nThus, I would argue that the failures of the DPP were not simply a failure of Chen Shui-bian’s leadership, though he certainly could have handled the tricky situation better. Rather, the DPP faced a more common, and perhaps insoluble, problem of controlling the transition from radical political movement to responsible bureaucratic manager. I suspect that any organization in this position does not want to fully accept that it must change, that its radicalism will necessarily be reduced. And the DPP faced even more difficult circumstances due to its peculiar international status.<\/p>\n
Indeed, China hardly came up in our conversation with Yao. He spoke mostly of KMT perfidy and the DPP leadership failure. I asked him directly where fit into all of this and whether he was worried that the PRC might really use force against Taiwan. He said he was not afraid of China. His courage was palpable.<\/p>\n
China, though, creates a hard limit on political change in Taiwan. It is truly remarkable what the DPP has accomplished in the past twenty five years. No one could have predicted, in 1983, what Taiwan would become. But fuller expressions of sovereignty and independence, which the maximalist reform agenda requires, could threaten military intervention. This circumstance would seem to produce an even greater moderating effect than Michels “iron law.” And, if that is true, the DPP perhaps should have recognized the unique structural situation it was in and been more willing to scale back its plans for political change. Of course, Yao and Chou, after having personally sacrificed so much for the struggle (he was in jail for seven or eight years), would reject that idea. But iron laws tend not to be very personal. The DPP’s problem may not have been that it became less radical, but that it did not handle the process of de-radicalization effectively.<\/p>\n
Interestingly enough, it seems that the electoral loss has shaken the DPP leadership. All the talk now is that Frank Hsieh, the presidential candidate, will almost certainly moderate DPP policy toward the mainland, which will limit the domestic reform agenda. Somewhere Michels is nodding his head\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Two nights ago we went to dinner at the home of Mr. Yao Chia-wen and his wife, Chou Ching-yu. They were both present at the creation of the DPP, early front-line activists in the formation of a viable political opposition and, ultimately, ruling party. Needless to say, they were frustrated by the election outcome. Their […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":84,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[100,112],"tags":[678,5730,8355],"class_list":["post-16596","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politics","category-taiwan","tag-dpp","tag-sam-crane","tag-taiwan-democracy","et-doesnt-have-format-content","et_post_format-et-post-format-standard"],"yoast_head":"\n
Why the DPP Lost<\/title>\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\t \n\t \n\t \n \n \n \n \n \n\t \n\t \n\t \n